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Yu. A. Zuev Ethnic History of Usuns
Yu. A. Zuev The Strongest Tribe - Ezgil
Yu. A. Zuev Tamgas of vassal princedoms
Yu. A. Zuev Ancient Türkic social terms
|Ogur and Oguz||
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|Section 1 (cont.) Kangju (Kangar)|
After ten years in Sünnu captivity Chjan Tsian (Pin. Zhang Qian)
appeared in Nisa (Ch. Ershi) capital at the court of the Fergana
king. He has presented his ambassadorial bunchuk
(symbol of power, a staff with horse hair on the top -
Translator's Note), told about his time in foreign lands,
and told about the purpose of his travel to Great Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi). The ancient
Fergana (Chinese Daüan, Davan) was a large state, rich and
densely populated, with numerous army, whose ruler probably was in
vassal dependence from Kangha king (Chinese Kangjü, Kangji).
The ruler did not dare to let the embassy to pass to the living
directly to the west Great Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) without a knowledge and consent of
his Kangjü suzerain in the south [Ban Gu, ch. 61, p. 749; compare Ch.
96b, p. 1194, f. 17b]. The post service in Fergana was well oiled. He
sent an inquiry to Kangju (Kangar) with an urgent mail, and only after
receiving a consent, allowed The Hanian to continue on his way.
Ferganians excorted Chjan Tsian (Pin. Zhang Qian) to the Great Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi), who were living
north of the river Guishui/Cheyhun/Amu Darya west from
Fergana, south from Kangju (Kangar). As believes K.Czegledi, this fragment of
the description of Chjan Tsian (Pin. Zhang Qian) travel has a fundamental significance
for understanding Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) problems. This fragment shows that in 128 BC
Sogdiana was located southwest from Fergana, soon after migration
there of Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) tribes, Sogdiana was under Kangju (Kangar) domination.
At that Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi)'s migratory stage, a starting point of their movement to Bactria was Kangju (Kangar), the Kangju (Kangar) role for Uechjies was decisive [Czegledi, 1983, p. 48, 123]. Already in the early annals the Sogd is called Kangju (Kangar), and its main city, Ñ9305, 782 Suse (Pulliblank reading *sah-gleats, an early form of the Sogd name) was Kesh, later Shahrisyabz, near Samarkand [Fan Süanlin, ch. 97, p. 664, f. 8à; Hulseve, 1979, p. 132]. Strabo (XI, VIII, 2) tells that the conquerors of Bactria were Ases, or Asians, Tochars and Sakarauls (Sakarauks < Saka-rauka “White Sakas”,compare Aorses < Urusha “White”)who “came down from Yaksart”,Syr-Darya, i.e. from Kangju (Kangar) itself. Ases were “kings of the Tochars ”.Therefore Pompeus Trogus counts as conquerors of Bactria and Sogdiana the “Scythian tribes Sa[ka]rauks and Asians”.The left bank of Syr-Darya in the area of its tributary Kuvandarya was the residence of the Tochars-(Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) ?) [Tolstov, 1948, p. 137-140; Vainberg, 1999, p. 241-256] under the rule of the Kangh king. Sogd was captured by his vassals, and therefore the travel to the Great Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) was impossible without a consent of their master, and in the Chinese sources the Sogd itself also began to be called Kangju (Kangar), and later Kang. The “History of northern dynasties" read: “Kang (Qang, Sogd) state is descendent of Kangju (Kangar). They moved constantly, and did not know attachment to the former lands. [In the Kang state] the succession line did not interrupt since the time of Han dynasty. The surname of their ruler is Ven, he is Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi)" [Li Yanshou, ch. 97, p. 1298, f. 25b; also: Wei Chjen, ch. 83, p. 826, f. 8à]. The New Edition of the “History of Tang dynasty" only states the phrase “King surname is Ven, he is Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi)" [Ouyan Sü, ch. . 221, p. 1555, f. 1à]. The point is, Sogd is Kangju (Kangar) and Kang, but Kangju (Kangar) and Kang are not a country along Syr-Darya, or a Sogd along Zeravshan and Kashkadarya, but as we Shall see, much more than that.
The brief text in the “Historical
notes" about the Kangju (Kangar) country reads: “Kangju (Kangar) is located almost two thousand li northwest
from Daüan. The customs of this nomadic state in many respects are similar
with Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi). Those drawing bows (i.e. battle-ready men, soldiers)
are 80-90 thousand. Bordering on Daüan. It is a
small state. In the south they serve Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) [tribes], in
the east they serve Sünnu [tribe]" [Syma Qian, ch. 123, p.
1138, f. 4à].
The text is inconsistent internally: in a “small" (Ch. syao “small”)state could not be such a numerous army. The same work repeat the Chjan's words, addressed to the emperor and obviously taken from the Ban Gu chronicle, to restore the lost text: “North [from the Shendu state, India] are Great Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) and Kangju (Kangar), with strong armies, for which can be established payment for service to the [Han] dynasty. And if besides an opportunity comes to sway them into vassalage, its possession will expand ten thousand li" [Ibid, p. 1140, f. 8à-b; Ban Gu, ch. 61, p. 750, f. 3a].
The next news about Kangju (Kangar) is connected
with the events unwrapped around Han’s invasion in Fergana.
Following the determined anti-Han policies of Kangju (Kangar), Fergana, with
its Northern route of the East-West
trading road, was a serious obstacle for the Han's expansion to the countries of the “Western Territory”.The chronicler even notes the fact of the murder
of the Han envoy [Sima Qian, ch. 123, p. 114, f. 16à]. As a cause for
invasion ostensibly served the love of emperor U (140-87 BC) of the Fergana “Heavenly horses”,capable to
bring a rider to the “Country of immortality”.The Hans were
not allowed to purchase these horses, and in 102 BC under the walls
of Ersha/Nisa appeared a huge army flying the Han flag. The Fergana
that the suzerain army would come to their aid, and then the “Ferganians
in the city, and Kangju (Kangar) in steppe" would crush the enemy army.
The Kangju (Kangar) cavalry has really arrived, but observing the size and power
of the Han's divisions, did not dare to enter
a battle. As a result, the Fergana capital surrendered, only the
eastern frontier city Ü
("Colorful”,"Blooming”)resisted to the last man. Its ruler fled to Kangju (Kangar). To avoid drawing
the Han aggression against Kangju (Kangar), and not to allow even a
formal excuse for a war against Kangju (Kangar), its suzerain turned over
their vassal (to the Chinese) [Sima Qian, ch. 123, p. 1145, ll. 18b-19à-b, Ban Gu, ch.
61, p. 753-754, ll. 10b-11b].
The war only sideswiped Kangju (Kangar), but became a prominent milestone in its history. In the 59 BC the Han court established a post of a dukhu military representative in the “Western Territory”.His duties included monitoring the military conditions in the states of the territory (including Kangju (Kangar)) and notifying the court about changes. Kangju (Kangar) was not depended from the Han's dukhu.
A chance for Chinese military penetration into Kangju (Kangar) came later, by the middle of the 1st century BC. In the 57 BC the southern part of the Sünnu tribes accepted Han's overlordship and received military support in fight against their northern kins headed by Chjichji-shanyu (郅支單于 Jiji/ Zhizhi). He was an aggressive and once successful ruler who subdued some states, the ruler of the northern Sünnu fled to the Tszyan-kun (Upper Yenisei Kyrgyzes) country. At thats time Kangju (Kangar), exposed on the eastern frontiers to a constant pressure of the Usuns, allied with the Han, decided to take advantage of the sutuation and invite the famous warrior to their military service. In the winter, on the way from Tszyan-kun to Syr-Darya, a significant part of Chjichji (Jiji/Zhizhi) troops died from frost. Kangju (Kangar) reached only 3 thousand barely alive men. The Kangju (Kangar) king met them with honor, married his daughter to Chjichji (Jiji/Zhizhi), and gave him a tract on the bank of the Talas to build a fortress. In two years it was completed. Chjichji (Jiji/Zhizhi) made some victorious raids on Usun, “and began to think of himself as a state”.And at this time the Han army under command of Chen Tan and Gan Yanshou advanced to Talas by two separate roads. After a bloody fight, recorded in the annals with details, the fortress fell. It happened in 36 BC [Ban Gu, ch. 7à, p. 854-855, ll. 1à-4à; Ch. 94b, p. 1131, f. 7à; Ch. 96à, p. 1163, f. 15b-16à].
The annals are silent about that military campaign
political consequences. Were recorded only the independent policy
of Kangju (Kangar), and the arrogance of its king.
The Han's dukhu in the “Western Territory" Go Shun wrote to the capital: ”... The present kinship relations of our Court with Usuns still had not delivered any benefit; on the contrary, they only trouble the Middle Kingdom... Kangju (Kangar), on the contrary, it is proud, audacious and does not agree to bow in any way to our envoys.... From these acts, it is not difficult to conclude why he sends his sons to serve at the Chinese court. It is a sly pretext under which he wants to trade" [Bichurin, 2, p. 185; Ban Gu, 96à, p. 1168, f. 16à-b].
The winter court of the Kangju (Kangar) king was the city of S3721, 5835 Bitian (< pye-den) in the S9091, 9967, 1279 Leüeni district. E. Pulleyblank compares the transcription bitian < pye-den < *bidn with expected *Bidn-kath and later Bin-kat. The name Leüeni, in his opinion, corresponds to one of the Yaksart/Syr-Darya names [Pulleyblank, 1962, p. 94]. However, the resemblance of the transcription pye-dan with the Persian methan “house”,"dwelling" can't be excluded. Probably, the correspondence is in the title-name Bidan (Bidan-syangü) of the Türgesh dehkan of the large settlement in the Chu valley mentioned in the Gardizi composition "Zain al-ahbar" [Bartold, 1973, p. 41, 62].
From Bidan to the king's summer residence was a 7-day travel (to the north).
A small deviation is needed here. The "History of northern dynasties"
says that Chjeshe (Chach, Tashkent) "is the former Kangju (Kangar) state" [Li Yanshou, ch.
97, p. 1295, f. 19à]. Another name of Chach was Shi-go "Stone kingdom”.Its description runs: "Stone Kingdom
is located on the river Yaosha (Yaksart). The main city circumference is more than 10 li. A
reigning surname is Shi (Stone), and the name is [i]ne ([i]nel)... " [Wei Chjen, ch. 83,
p. 826, f. 9b]. For the Türkic time, exist two messages with
Shi-go a reference point. Under the year 603 is written that one of
Western Türkic Kagans “lived north from Shi-go and ruled all Sogdian
(Hu) states [of Central Asia]" [Wei Chjen, ch. 84, p. 838, f. 15à].
In 616 Western Türkic Kagan Tun-yabgu “moved the court to the Tsian-Tsiuan (Thousand Springs, Merke) district north from Shi-go (Stone State) and began to rule all states in the “Western Territory" ”,i.e. Central Asia [Lü Süy, ch. 194b, p. 1445, f. 5à]. The Tsian-Tsiuan district belonged to the Shi-go [Syma Guan, ch. 199, p. 6273]. In 629 this district was described: “Passing more than 400 li from Suyab to the west, [he] arrived in the Tsian-Tsiuan district. The Tsiantsiuan district occupies an area about 200 li . On the southern side [lie] snowy mountains, and on three other sides [lie] steppe. The ground there is damp, the woods are rich, and the various flowers in the spring months are like color silks. There are a thousand sources and lakes, and the district is named for this reason. The Türkic Kagan hides there every year from the summer heat. There are herds of deer, and boast cowbells on thongs. They are used to people" [Zuev, 1960à, p. 91].
The fertile “Thousand Springs" district was in the Talas area, which in the middle of the 8th century was viewed as the “Stone Kingdom fortress”.In the second half of the 1st century BC Chjichji-shanyu (Jiji/ Zhizhi) gave to the Kangju (Kangar) king, in honor of Chjichji's (Jiji/Zhizhi) marriage to the Chinese imperial daughter, a fortress on the bank of the Talas river built by Kangju (Kangar) people. Among other reasons for building this fortress, was probably a protection of the king's summer residence. The behavior of the newcomer from the remote country was not concordant with the “Kangju (Kangar) customs”,and soon after his marriage the capricious Chjichji (Jiji/Zhizhi) ordered to throw his young wife, together with her Kangju (Kangar) courtiers, into the river. As described below, this act was a peculiar reaction to the local customs.
Without joining a lively polemic on localization of the Kangju (Kangar)
proper, two substantial notes are pertinent. One of them defines
Kangju (Kangar) eastern limits in the 36 BC: “Three groups of [Gan Yanshou]
dukhu set out from Vensu (nowadays district Ushi, Uch-Turfan, SUAR).
Going by the Northern road, [after 610 li] they came to Chigu,
crossed Usun, and, crossing the border of Kangju (Kangar), came [to the
district] west of Tianchi, the Issyk-kul" [Ban Gu, ch.
70, p. 858, f. 9à]. The other marker is the Küngü (Ch.
Gunüi < kiώong-ngiώo < *küngü, compare the
ancient Türkic k[ü]ngü, k[ä]-ngü: KTb, 21).
It is recorded as a last point before the border with Nuchket and then with Chach (Tashkent) in the traveling notes of Suan-tszan in the 629, when the name Kang, known from the works of the Muslim authors, has already become conventional. Byan Tszi writes "Traversing southwest about 200 li [from the city on the White river, Ispidjab] , we arrived in the city of Gunüi. The city is 5-7 li in circumference. The land there is damp and fertile, and the forests magnificent and rich. From there after going 40 or 50 li toward south we arrived in Nuchitszyan (Nuchket) state... Traversing west from there more than 200 li, we arrived in the Chach state" [Zuev, 1960à, p. 91-92]. The archaic state of the name points on its chronological remote antiquity, and concurrence with the first Chinese record of Kangju (Kangar) (<*khang-kiah> khang-kio).
It was established for a long time that in the Indian "Mahabharata" the Kang country is mentioned under the name Kanka, in the Iranian “Avesta" it is called Kangha or Kanga. In the Avesta fragments that reached us it is mentioned once. A warrior Tusa sacrifices to the goddess Ardvisura Anahita and asks for her blessing:
To overcome the brave
In the Khshatrosuka pass
I am divine in Kanh
Only miniscule remnants of
the huge Persian religious codex “Avesta" survived to our time, its
many missing parts are contradictory or retransmitted in the works
of Muslim writers (Firdousi, Biruni, Shahrastani, etc.). For them
the Kanka, Kang is the country and city in Turan, under which were
meant the territories not only from the Caspian sea to the Central
Kazakhstan, but also much farther east, sometimes even to the Inner
Mongolia territory. The main plot in “Avesta" in its rendering in
the “Shahname" of Firdousi was a struggle of Iran (sedentary) with Turan (nomads).
In Avesta the “country" or “area" was called dahyu, in ancient Persiani dahya, in middle Persiani dih/deh. Therefore, the “Kangha country" could or was really called *Kangha-dahyu, later *Kangha-dih, Kang-dih, many variations also existed. In the Arabian rendering of the Persian terms the initial sound g is transmitted by Arabian dj. Therefore, these Persian composites in the works of the Arabian writers about Kang area were pronounced Kendjdeh, Kendjide and the like. The area on the right bank of the river Arys, flowing into Syr-Darya, and on the right bank of the Syr-Darya middle course in the works of the early Arabian geographers were called Kendjide, nowadays is so called a district in the Southern Kazakhstan area.
In this region the archeological research revealed the material that allows to make a number of important conclusions. In the E.I.Ageeva and G.I.Patsevich opinion, the fortress Djuvan-tepe (village Mamaevka) is the remains of the main city Arsubaniket in Kendjide area. Its population was nomadic and seminomadic [Ageeva, Patsevich, 1956, p. 53-57]. The possessions of the Kangju (Kangar) country in the north reached the estuary of Syr-Darya. An important area were the cities of the Otrar oasis [Baipakov, 1990, p. 10-18; Baipakov, Ternovaya, 1998, p. 156-166].
The Chinese annals stated that "Chach is the former
Kangju (Kangar) state”.A part of researchers sometimes holds an opinion
that the historical digressions and comparisons of the contemporary names
with the more ancient names, found in the texts of annals should not
be trusted. This is a misunderstanding. The ancient chronicler, "bringing
the present names into accordance with the ancient names" (these are
the words of an
imperial decree), had a such documentary base that our contemporaries
can't even dream about. To ascertain that, is enough to review the historiographical sections of
the annals. Many of the works mentioned
there were forever lost still 800-1000 or more years ago.
Stating that refers to the line about the Shi ("stone") state or Chach (illustrated by the variations of the Chinese transcriptions). "It is a northern fringe of the Daiuan [country] of Han epoch. From the capital [of China] distance is 9 thousand li. In the northeast it reaches the western Türks, in north it reaches Farab (Bola), two hundred li to the south it adjoins the Hodjent (Tszüychjanti), five hundred li southwest it adjoins Samarkand. The circumference [of the Shi state] is 1000 li ... The surname of the king is Shi ("Stone"), his residence is in the city of Chach, it is the city Yuyni of a small small king of the former Kangju (Kangar). In a southwest flows the river Yaksart " [Ouyan Sü, ch. 2216, p. 1555, f. 2b, Bichurin, And, p. 313, Chavannes, 1903, p. 140].
Syr-Darya is a great river of Central Asia (2,863 km in length).
Its goddess was *Harasvati Ardvisura Anahita. In antiquity
the Persia was considered a community of the Sun god and
covenant with Mitra, and Turan with the center in Kangju (Kangar) was considered a community
of goddess Ardvisura Anahita [Braginsky, 1991, p. 100].
Her exact twin was the old Indian goddess of waters
and fertility Sarasvati [Lommel, 1954, p. 406-409], embodying the
river Sarasvati, which once was running into the Arabian sea. In “Avesta" to the Syr-Darya goddess is devoted a large Yasht (Yasht 5.
Ardvisur). Like Sarasvati, Ardvisura Anahita stands in a chariot of
waters “rata" (simultaneously, it is a cloud chariot), with four
harnessed white horses, a Wind, a Rain, a Cloud and Hailstones. Her
palace stands on the Heavenly river. The Anahita river originates at
the top of the World Mountain (Hukaria) and runs into the World
Ocean (Vourukasha sea). Winter and summer, night and day she carries
waters in the chariot. Her heavenly waters rain streams (tata apo)
fall on the ground [Bartholomae, 1961, p. 631, 636]. The Yasht says “I want to glorify the esteemed by all golden tip of Hukaria, equal
in height to thousand men, from which flows the Ardvisura Anahita,
equal in height to all waters flowing on this land, full of force”.
In the other place of the same Yasht the Anahita river is characterized as “wide and healing”,"raising seed of all husbands, preparing maternal bosom of all wives, easing delivery of all wives, filling at proper time the required milk in female breast, boundless, famous, equal in length to all waters, powerful" [Braginsky, 1972, p. 57-71; Steblin-Kamensky, 1993, p. 26-52].
In several places “Avesta" mention the main enemies of Iranians “Danayans"-Turs (danava from danu “river”,in this case Syr-Darya). The same Yasht (18, 73) reads: “Grant to us such fortune, a kind and powerful Arvisura Anahita, that we became winners over the Turan Danavs”.The Yasht 13 says likewise (Fravartin, 37-38): ”... Then the brave men from Hshtavi clan joined battle with Danavs. You (the fravash-protector spirits) then repulsed an attack of Danavs-Turanians. You then repulsed the wrath of Danavs-Turanians (Scythians)... Then were laid waste the predatory settlements of Danavs, who had a ten-thousand army" [Abaev, 1990, p. 31-34]. The tribes along the Yaksart (Syr-Darya) were called “Yaksarts”,Ptolemy (6th century) names the tribes living on the river Kang (Syr-Darya) Kahags. These names reflect not a taxonomic concept “Syrdaryanian”,but a religious concept “those who revere the River goddess”.
The dynastic surname of the state Later Chjao (后赵 “Later Zhao”) (319-352) was Shi
(石) ("stone") from a tribe Ñ12641, 8881 Tsiantszüy (< khiang-gio) [Fan
Suanlin, ch. 104, p. 716, f. 1à]. The tribe Tsiantszüy was one of
19 tribes of the southern Sünnu [Fan Sjuanlin, ch. 97, p. 666, f. 11à], but
were Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) in origin and were a part of the tribal group with a common name Ñ1259
(羯 ) Tsze (
Jie) (< kiat),
with rich beards and large noses. The existence of certain ties of the Tsze
(Jie) tribes with the Central Asian princedoms is traceable [Tan Chanju, 1955, p. 416]. The Chinese
scientists Tan Tsisyan and Yao Weiuan [1958, p. 355-358] came to a conclusion about
synonymy of names Tsyanizui and Kantszui (Kangar).
To the same conclusion came E. Pulleyblank. Using H.Bailey's consultation, he cited linguistic material in favor of interpretation the term kang- as "stone" [Pulleyblank, 1986, p. 38-39]. His conclusion can be supported by concrete evidence. The subject probably is the eastern-most of Kangju (Kangar)es on the river Kan in the Inner Mongolia: "More than a thousand li north-east from their (the Baiarku tribe) country flows the river S9555, 3837 Kangan (< khang-kan < *kanggan). There grow pines. After soaking it in the water for two years it turns into stone. Its color is dark. The inhabitants of that country call it kanggan “stone”.The pine tree, turning into stone, retains the tree pattern" [Tsen Chünmian, 1958, p. 737]. It this brief message are three images: a river, a stone and immortality.
The interpretation of stone as abode of immortal deity, “house of god”,its embodiment is known to many peoples in antiquity, and continues till present, because the stone is eternal like a god. The ode to the female deity Si-van-mu was written on a stone. The Mother of Gods, the Asia Minor goddess of waters and fertility Cybele was brought from Phrygia to Rome as stone embodiment. The image of the goddess with the face carved from a rough stone, was placed on a cart and on the holiday day devoted to her was washed in the waters of the river Almon. On Syr-Darya this goddess reigned under the name Ardvisura Anahita. The names “Kangha”,"Kanka”,"Kang”,"Stone kingdom" (Shi-go) and “Stone City" (Tashkent) are the symbols of the great Syr-Darya goddess cult.
Middle Türkic variations
The “Kang complex" also continued during the Türkic epoch.
The base Chinese rendition by hieroglyphs Ñ9555, 2109 is articulated
not only as Kangtszui, but also as Kantszi (< khang-gji < *kanggi).
Is known its Türkic adaptation. In the Biography of Mongolian
in the “History of the Yuan dynasty, 1271-1368" the
description of events of 1223 says that alongside with men of other
tribes in his thousand unit were Ñ1325, 3234 Khantszin (Kangin)
and Tsincha (kybchat) [Sun Lian, ch. 121, p. 1414, f. 2b; Ch. 122,
p. 1429, f. 106: (khan) tszin tsincha]. In the Mongolian language
this term is framed in plural: Kangit.
In the 13th century through their lands beyond Volga passed a European traveler Plano Carpini: “We crossed into the land of Kangits (Kangitae), where in very many places is felt a scarcity of water... These people were pagans, and like Komani, Kangits also did not till the land, and ate only cattle" [ Travel, 1993, p. 72]. The clan Khanggid (written Mong. qanggin) nowadays is part of a Khamnigan tribe in Dadal-Somon of the Khentei aimak in Mongolia [Urai-Kyohalmi, 1964, p. 159].
The name of the Kirghiz tribe Kandy can be viewed as a
nearest Türkic expression of the combination kang-dih; the morpheme
in the word Kandy (~Kanly) is not an affix of relationship from the an
initial root, in the Kirghiz language that role is performed by -duu [Abramzon,
1946, p. 129]. To the Kanga/Kanka area can be related the presence of
the ethnonym Khangakish (< *hanga+kish/kishi
"Kang people”,"Kangian people”). S.G.Agadjanov writes that in the
10th century the eastern border of the Oguz possessions reached the
watercourse of the river Ili. In the east they possessed the fortress Gorguz (Horgos).
The local tribes were called Khangakishes. They were distinguished
bellicosity. On the Idrisi maps they are also called Khanga-Guzes,
and their country is called Khangaket [Agadjanov, 1969, p. 73]. The name
Khankaket finds a direct analogy in another source. The Chinese annals tell
that in 658 in the main city of Stone Kingdom Ñ10599, 7259 Kantsze
(< Kham-kiat) the Chinese established a post of Kan-tutun [Ouyan Sü, ch. 221b,
p. 1555, f. 2b]. The consonance Kham suggest a Sogdian intermediary, and corresponds
to Kang (compare the name of the tribe Dolange < Ta-lam-kat < Tälämgät
~Tälänggät). The name is reconstructed as Qang-ket, and title as Qang-tudun.
Idrisi has a name of a Khandag tribe, undoubtedly ascending to *Kangh-dahiyu. In accordance with Idrisi, in the 10th century Khandags were coaching in the Chu river valley. They were distinguished by their bravery and independence. The main residence of their ruler was a fortress Khiyyam. That fortress served as a refuge during external danger. In S.G.Agadjanov's opinion, the fortress Khiyyam is identical with the medieval city Ordu on the right to bank of the river Chu [Agadjanov, 1969, p. 67, 73-74]. The name of the member of the Kangju (Kangar) complex Bajanak tribe Kangar is a theme of a separate examination. The Kangly are discussed below.
Kangju (Kangar) in the east
At one time was believed that the news about Kangju (Kangar) country reached China only after Chjan Qian's return in the 127 BC from his first travel to the “Western Territory”.E. Pulleyblank however noted that 7 years prior to his return, in the 134 BC a letter of a Confucian Dun Shunshu to the throne mentioned Kangju (Kangar) [Ban Gu, ch. 56, p. 696, f. 12], and in the 130 BC it is mentioned in one of Syma Syanju documents [Sima Qian, ch. 117, p. 1021, f. 276; Ban Gu, ch. 57b, p. 715, f. 1à; Pulleyblank, 1986, p. 28]. Do not also fit the image of the Syr-Darya Kangju (Kangar) the story in the Urbe-Kypchaks paragraph about the flight of the northern shanyu “to Usun" or “to Kangju (Kangar)”.The author of the continuation of the “History of the Late Han dynasty" writes that “he fled, where to is unknown" [He Tsing, ch. 79b, p. 1149].
The reason of this uncertainty can be elucidated. “Barely breathing out of fear" and “naked”,the northern
shanyu first fled to the neighboring, but unknown to the Chinese
chronists Kangju (Kangar) area on the eastern slopes of the Great Khingan in
the northern part of the Inner Mongolia. The composition “Wei lue"
(Brief review of the Wei dynasty, 220-265) did not reach us. Only
vast citations from it by the commentator Pei Sunchji, who lived in
the dynasty Sun (420-479) period, were preserved, used in
explanations of the “Description of three states" text. The fragment
reflects the beginning of the “Great Migration of Peoples”,and
therefore the usual coordinates of the location of the tribes are
different there. Kangju (Kangar) is shown in it “south from Baikal (?)
Dinlins and southeast from Gekun (Kyrgyzes)" [Chen Show, ch. 30, p.
419, f. 34à].
Kangju (Kangar) is mentioned in the middle of the 9th century AD. The second Uigur Kaganate fell in 839 as a result of unheard of natural disasters, universal djut (massive die-out of cattle) and death of the population. The tragedy culminated in internal revolt and especially by the arrival of the Kirgiz army. The population of central and eastern parts of the Kaganate, trying to leave the deadly place, looked for salvation beyond its limits [Malyavkin, 1972, p. 29-35]. One of the groups, headed by Ogya-Kagan (Ch. Utsze), came to the Great Wall, but then changed direction and fled northeast, to the Shivei tribe Kheichetszy (literally: "Black Wagoneers") who belonged to the Kangju (Kangar) confederation (?) or were identical with it.
Note that the Khingan Kangju (Kangar) in the described events does not have
any relation to the Sogdak trading colony Kangju (Kangar)
on the Lop Nor [about it, see
Pelliot, 1916]: in
relations between dominating military-political forces, the
colonist traders never participated directly, and observed a wise
neutrality. The new edition of the “History of Tang dynasty" says: "Utsze-Kagan lost
strength, and began to live with a support of Kangju (Kangar), he moved
completely the remaining clans to [this] Kheichetszy tribe" [Ouyan Sü,
ch. 212, p. 1487, f. 9à]. A
little differently states the Old edition: “Having suffered defeat, Uigur
Utsze-Kagan did not even dare to approach [our] border. He
begged Kangju (Kangar) about assistance, and moved the remaining clans to [these]
Kheichetszy and has trusted them" [Lü Süy, ch. 180, p. 1304,
The term Shivei in the texts of that time is equivalent to “Tatars”,therefore the combination Kheichetszy-Shivei is identical to Kheichetszy-Tatars [Chen Dechji, 1986, p. 4-5]. These were Tatars-Oguzes. Judging by the context of the material about them in the annals, Kheichetszy ("Black Wagoneers”)were also called Shivei-Kheichetszy. In Chinese the combination Ñ1774, 4075 Khetsze/Khese means “peacemaking" (~ “peacemakers”). The lands of Kheichetszy-Khese were one thousand (or: thousands) li from the borders of Tang, and centered around the lake Hulun (Külün, Dalai-Nor) [Van Govej, 1959, p. 624]. Shivei-Tatars were of seven tribes. A little more than hundred years before the described events, they were mentioned by the author of the ancient Türkic Ongin inscription: bu tabγachda jiraja beg (äteg?) oγuz ara jeti eren jaγi bolmish": “From these Tabgaches (i.e. China) in the North among (?) Oguzes seven leaders were enemies" (O, 5). Uigurs found shelter among these seven tribes and were distributed between them.
Disturbed by the safe for the Uigurs outcome of events, the Chinese emperor send to the Kirghiz ruler a message with a demand for “final solution" in total extermination: ”... Is it possible to leave decaying ashes? Kheichetszy... dare to keep hostile relations. This is a neglect of you, so far as they had not submitted. If this can be tolerated, then what is impossible to tolerate?! “[Suprunenko, 1963, p. 77]. By promises and payoffs the Tang officials managed to accomplish that his own tribesmen killed Utsze. And that happened in 846 in the Shivei Golden Mountains (Tszinshan), on the Great Khingan. In their turn the Kirghiz detachments occupied Shivei lands. The “Kirghiz great power" was not short-lived, the tribes of the Inner Mongolia felt it for two more centuries.
In the above
schematical review of the names and events in a
seven-year time interval the main fact is that
in the ninth century AD on the slopes of Great Khingan still lived
and functioned Kangju (Kangar) (Kangha-dahyu, *Kangha-dih, Kang-dih), the archaic hieroglyphic
record of which name goes back to the last centuries BC. The search
of the Khingan area of Kangju (Kangar) is difficult. Help in this task comes
from be work of Rashid
ad-din “Djami" at-tavarih"("Collection of annals”),
particular, its news about the ten-tribe association of Djalairs in
the Inner Mongolia.
The term Djalair (~ Yyalair) is the Mongolian variation of the name for a “royal" tribe of the Second Uigur Kaganate Yaglakar~yala er. In favor of this are also other grounds published in one earlier articles of the author [Zuev, 1972].
In a number of texts about Kaganate the Uigurs are called On-Uigur Toquz Oγuz "ten tribes of Uigurs of the confederation Tokuz-Oguzes”," Òokuz-Oguz ten tribes of Uigurs”.The Manichaeism of the Kaganate Uigurs is reflected in the epithet of the "royal" Djalairs cha'at (from Mong. chagan "white", "pure", it is a primary color in Manichaeism). Djalairs are the descendants of the Uigur Utsze-Kagan, who migrated to Kangju (Kangar). Probably, by the end of the 13th - beginning of of the 14th centuries, when Rashid ad-Din was writing, Djalairs already migrated from the Kangju (Kangar) to the area of modern Chjalait banner of the Inner Mongolia. Therefore the author of the annals names district Kyma (? Kyme) as the former lands of Djalairs, in the Karakorum [Rashid ad-Din, 1965, p. 132]. The district Kyma (Kime?) probably corresponds to the Chinese designation of the Southern Khentei and then the northern part of the Great Khingan Ñ588, 10702 Tszinwei (< kiəm-mjwei). The third in the Djalair confederation was named the tribe kanga'ut (Mong. pl. of the word kanga).
That was the location area of the eastern-most part of Uigurs after
the fall of the
Kaganate. Precisely there, instead of on its central lands in the
Mongolia proper are projected the news of Rashid ad-Din about
ten-tribe Uigurs who lived along ten rivers. The tenth of the rivers
was called Utikan. Along it lived the tribe whose name in different
manuscripts of the composition is written differently: in the
Tashkent manuscript “---”,in the Teheran manuscript “---”,in the
Petersburg manuscript “---”,in the Paris manuscript “---"
[Rashid ad-Din, 1965, p. 336]. J. R.Hamilton found the version in
the Paris manuscript to be authentic and read it qaγan
ati with the meaning “Kagan's name”,i.e. the name of the Kagan
tribe [Hamilton, 1962, p. 47]. Neither mountains, nor the rivers
with the name Utikan were on east slopes of Great Khingan, and
likewise the Kagan could not be mentioned the last in the list of
the tribes subordinated to him.
Most probably, the name of the river Utikan is also mistaken, and Utikan should be Kan. That was the name for the right tributary of the river Argun. As to the differently read “---”,to the number of variations in its possible spelling should be added the name of city in the country of Tatars “---" [Ibid, p. 160] and the name “---"from among nine tribes which were to the left of Chin - China in the direction of Sun rising, between the Chin and Khirkhizes" in the Hudud al-alam and in the work of al-Marvazi [Minorsky, 1942, p. 26, 85-88].
Muslim writers in the 9th-10th centuries all territories of that
area were “terra incognita”.The situation changed after creation of
the Kidan (Kytan,
Kytai, Khitan) state Liao (907-1125) in the Manchuria territory,
which begun seeking contacts with the countries of the west. In one
of the kasyds the 11th century poet Farrohi said that the Kidan
ruler Kyta-khan offered Muhmud Gaznevi an alliance and friendship [Köprülü,
1944, p. 427]. In Persia the interest to this area increased because
in the Persian belief, there was located one of the Kang forts (dez)
of popular among them hero of Siyavush epos. Abu Reihan Biruni wrote
about it “Yamakoti, as mentioned Yakub [ibn Tarik] and it al-Fazari,
is located in a place where in the sea is a city, named Tara (<
Middle Persian tandra, tara “black”,city of Siyavush name).
Because the koti means “citadel”,and Yam is an angel
of death, this word brings the image of Kang-dize, about which the
Persians are telling that Keikaus or Djam (i.e. Yima - author) built
it in the most remote east, beyond a sea. Keihusrau crossed the sea
to Kang-diz, following the Türk Afasiab, and when Keihusrau
abandoned his rule he went there and lead a hermit's life
(Kang-diz comes to mind), because in the Persian language the word
diz means “citadel”.Abu Mashar al-Balhi composed his
geographical script, adopting Kang-diz as a zero longitude, or a
first meridian “[Biruni, 1963, p. 278].
Two more examples illustrate the theme. In the "Shahname", the Turanian ruler Afrasiab, who killed Siyavush, tries avoid the revenge for his deed. He is going to hide in the fort of the killed by him Siyavush. The road passed through the Fierce sea Zereh. Kei Hosrau is revenging the death of his father. Afrasiab sends him a message:
And will go beyond the river Kimak.
In the far Kangdej I will stay, and there
Neither you, nor the fighters would get me.
Kei Hosrau is reflecting “Our enemy overcame the Zereh-sea, hid in Kangdej... I will lead the troops further on to the very bank of the Kimak-river" [Ibid, p. 449].
Before reciting the concrete insert-story about this area from “Djami at-tavarih”,some preliminary explanations are needed. The
sea here is the large lake Dalai-Nor (Mong. dalai “sea”), and
the river instead of Ergune or Ergene is called Ankure. Here the
Dalai-Nor on border of Mongolia with China, into which runs the
river Keluren/Kerulen, is confused with Dalai-Nur in the Gobi
physico-geographical area of the Inner Mongolia, and the river
Angur-gol feeding it [Murzaev, 1955, p. 157]. The river Kam is one
of frequently repeated names of the river Kan. The city is called “---”.From the previous context and the variations of in the name
Kangha (namely *kanka-dih) the name can be confidently reconstructed “---" *Kankati. The word alakchin in the Mongolian means “motley-horsemen”.Laktan “---" (instead of “---”,compare Ch. Lotan < Lak-tan) is the name of the Kimek tribe.
Münggü “---" (compare Mong. münggü “silver”). Usutu mangus “---" (instead of Mong. “river dragon”). Keluren “---"(instead of “---”)
In 1201 at a kurultai at the Silver Spring Arkui/Alkui-bulak (compare Tocharian B arkώi “silver”,"white”)was formed anti-Chingiz coalition of eleven Tatar and several Mongolian tribes from Argun river area. Descending downstream along Argun (Ergune) before its merging with the river Kan (compare Kam, ch. Kan), they elected the Djadaran Chjamuk a Gurkhan [Van Govej, 1959, p. 683-684]. Briefly mentioning it, Rashid ad-din invokes a story not connected with the previous text:
”... They lived on the lower reaches of the rivers. After these rivers merge they form the river Ergune. This river is extremely big. On it lives one Mongolian tribe (kavm mogol) which name is Usutu Mangus. Its borders [its settlement] now adjoin [lacuna in the text; in the presumed Chinese primary source “with Uigurs”]. That river is near the city named Kankati, and it is located in the place where Ergune merge with river Kam. This city belongs to the possessions of Kyrkyzes. It is said that this river flows to the area near sea. Silver (nakre) is there everywhere. The names of that area are Alakchin, Laktan, Müngü and Keluran. It is said that all horses there are tobiano (ala), each horse is strong as a four-year-old camel, all tools and utensils are from silver" [Rashid ad-din, 1965, p. 160; 1952, vol. 1, book 1, p. 101-102].
In second half of the 17th century an abbreviated Türkic translation of this
text was included in Abu-l-Gazi composition "Family tree of
Türks”.Impressed by in the Persian text with the words Kyrkyz and Kam, similar to
the traditional appellation Kem of the Enisei, a Khivan writer also changed
the spelling Ankura to Angara [see
Desmaisons, 1874, p. 44]. In Tobolsk in the beginning of the 18th
century had familiarized with this work a captive Swedish officer Tabbert, who
subsequently received a Russian nobility and a von Stralenberg
surname. He was a historian and a traveller. He knew about induction of silver mines in
the Argun basin.
Shtralenberg suggested that the city Kankati was on the bank of the
river Argun [Stralenberg, 1730, p. 335]. This guess is now also confirmed
by the above quotation.
But there also is archeological evidence. In 1735, G.F.Miller
from the results of his travel to Central Asia, and in particular to
the Argun basin, wrote a detailed article "About ancient monuments
in Selenga and Nerch districts”."12 verstas (1 versta =
1.06 êì) below
the city of Tsurukhaitu river Gan runs into Argun, and in a versta or less
below Gan from the same side a river Khaul runs into Argun. The
land between them is flat. The only small mountain rises at equal
distance from both rivers, about 10 verstas from Argun. Near the
southern foothill of this mountain is a fort, a most remarkable
among other antique monuments in these places. The fort is
surrounded with a bulwark (of human height), embracing a
quadrangular space approximately 300 sajen (1 sajen = 2.13 ì) and a
moat. In the middle of each line of bulwark is a gate, which can be
approached not directly, but sideways. They are protected by
semicircular embankment which connected on the other end with the
bulwark. On the corners are ledges similar to bastions. The sides of
bulwark correspond to the four geographical directions. In the
middle of the space protected by the mentioned bulwark, there is
another quadrangular bulwark, identical with the first in height,
from north to south 80, and from east to west 40 sajen. Above the
fort is built another fort like a citadel. Half of the space
occupied by this citadel, nearest to the north and more raised, is
similar to a thrust in a cradle cross of the same height with
bulwark. Nearby the external bulwark to the east is a hole which
is looking like a well collapsed long time ago. Apparently, once
there was plentiful water in a spring, already dry. Not less
attention in the Argun districts deserves the bulwark in a straight
line known between Tunguses and Mongols under a name Kerim “[Miller, 1937, 1, p. 514-516]. E.N.Shirokogorova wrote in 1915 “About six versts from the estuart of Gan is a small town where
inhabitants found roof tiles, stone plates and sculptures, used by
local population to ornament a church.
In the same
year was undertaken an attempt of archeological study of that
district. Its results, unfortunately, have not been published. The
local population (already Tungus) at that time preserved a
legend that ancient settlements along Gan and its tributary Terbulu
were constructed by Gantimur from the Daur clan Bayagir,
who coached away to the west with his son [Shirokogorova, 1919, p.
3-8]. It is easy to see that in the name of the legendary “builder"
Gantimur is reflected the name of the Kankati fortress.
|<= Previous||Contents||Continued =>|
In Russian => PDF
Yu. A. Zuev Ethnic History of Usuns
Yu. A. Zuev The Strongest Tribe - Ezgil
Yu. A. Zuev Tamgas of vassal princedoms
Yu. A. Zuev Ancient Türkic social terms
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